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Archived: 01/08/2009 at 18:48:39

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The pros and cons of bypassing Justice Cromwell’s parliamentary review

A new year often brings about resolutions. In general, such resolutions are often optimistic promises to eat well, exercise more or take up a hobby. Prime Minister Stephen Harper’s new year resolutions could include finishing his book about the history of hockey, wearing more sweaters or perhaps using the parliamentary review process he created for his future SCC appointments.

Much has been written about Justice Cromwell’s initial nomination, the possible effects of prorogation on the nomination and finally the official appointment on December 22, 2008. Our friends at Slaw.ca have even created The Thomas Cromwell Pages after the government failed to do so.

The incredible controversy surrounding Justice Cromwell’s appointment started on September 5 when Harper called off an all-party committee to screen candidates. The procedural controversy stands in stark contrast to the developing consensus about Justice Cromwell’s abilities as a jurist. Professor James Stribopoulos described Justice Cromwell as an “extraordinarily bright and impeccably fair jurist.” Dalhousie Law Professor Phillip Gerrard added ”during [Cromwell’s] decade on the Nova Scotia Court of Appeal he has produced judgments in many areas of law which are models of clarity, reasoning, and just results.” SCC Chief Justice Beverley McLachlin praised Justice Cromwell as “a judge of the highest ability, integrity and intellect.” Even newly minted Liberal leader — and Harper adversary — Michael Ignatieff said Justice Cromwell was a “superb appointment.”

Given that a broad spectrum of academics, politicians the judiciary agree Justice Cromwell is an eminently qualified jurist, this post will focus on Harper’s decision to bypass parliamentary review. The parliamentary screening process for Supreme Court nominees was introduced in 2006 when the Conservatives won power and first used in the appointment of Justice Marshall Rothstein. What are the pros and cons of bypassing parliamentary review for Justice Cromwell?

[filed: Constitutional law Judges and courts]

Season’s Greetings

TheCourt.ca would like to wish our readers and contributors a happy and safe holiday season. We will be resuming our publishing schedule on January 5, 2009.

[filed: Blog Entry]

SCC to tackle Public Consultation Requirements in Environmental Assessments

Last Thursday, the SCC approved leave to appeal in MiningWatch Canada, et al. v. Minister of Fisheries and Oceans, et al. (32797). The case deals with the requirements of the environmental assessment procedures laid out in the Canadian Environmental Assessment Act, S.C. 1992, c. 37 (CEAA).

Specifically, the issue was whether the federal authorities responsible for environmental assessments can lower the level of assessment from a comprehensive study to a screening level study, the effect of which would remove the requirement of public consultation laid out in s. 21. The Federal Court of Appeal decision can be found here.

[filed: Administrative law Environment Miningwatch (2009)]

PM Appoints Justice Thomas Cromwell to Supreme Court of Canada

The Prime Minister announced today the appointment of Justice Thomas Cromwell, of the Nova Scotia Court of Appeal, to the Supreme Court of Canada. Here is the text of the news release from the Prime Minister’s Website:

Justice Thomas Cromwell of the Nova Scotia Court of Appeal has officially been appointed to the Supreme Court of Canada, Prime Minister Stephen Harper announced today.

“The Supreme Court must have its full complement of nine judges in order to execute its vital constitutional mandate effectively,” said the Prime Minister. “Not only is Justice Cromwell one of Canada’s most respected jurists, his appointment will also restore regional balance to the Court which now, once again, has an Atlantic Canadian representative.”

The Prime Minister personally consulted with the new Leader of the Opposition prior to making Justice Cromwell’s appointment official. The Official Opposition has informed the Government that it welcomes Justice Cromwell’s appointment.

Citing the urgency of filling the eight-month vacancy on the Supreme Court as the source of this exception, the Prime Minister restated his commitment to returning to a formal mechanism through which Parliament can scrutinize future Supreme Court nominees.

“The Supreme Court rightly exists above partisan politics and Canadians of all political persuasions will benefit from its return to a full complement of judges,” the Prime Minister said.

A c.v. of Justice Cromwell is attached.

* * * *

THOMAS A. CROMWELL

Personal and Education Information:

Born in 1952 in Kingston, Ontario. Educated at Queen’s University, B. Music 1973, LL.B 1976, Royal Conservatory of Music, A.R.C.T. 1973, Oxford University, B. Civil Law 1977. Called to the Bar of Ontario in 1979 and to the Bar of Nova Scotia in 1984. Married June 6, 1980 to Della Stanley of Kingston, one child, Tom Cromwell.

Practice Information:

Partner, O’Hara,Cromwell and Wilkin, 1979-1982. Arbitrator and adjudicator under Trade Union Act, Civil Service Collective Bargaining Act, Occupational Health and Safety Act, Education Act, and the Canada Labour Code, 1984-1992. Vice-Chair, Labour Relations Board(Nova Scotia) and Construction Industry Panel, 1991-1992. Executive Legal Officer, Chambers of the Chief Justice, Supreme Court of Canada, 1992-1995. Litigation Associate, Weir and Foulds, 1995-1997.

Teaching Information:

Special Lecturer in Civil Procedure, Queen’s University, Faculty of Law 1980-1982. Associate Professor and Professor of Law, Dalhousie Law School 1982-1992 and 1995-1997.

Committee Participation Information:

Member, Board of Directors 1998 - and Chair of Board 2007-, Canadian Forum for Civil Justice. President 1999 – 2001 and Past President 2001-2003, Canadian Institute for the Administration of Justice. Past President, President, Vice-President, Secretary-Treasurer and Executive Member 1983-1990, Canadian Association of Law Teachers. President and Vice President and Executive Member, Continuing Legal Education Society of Nova Scotia.

Judicial Career:

Judge of the Nova Scotia Court of Appeal 1997- .

[filed: (Dicta)]

BCE Inc. v. 1976 Debentureholders: Directors do what is best for the firm

On Friday December 19, 2008 the SCC released its eagerly anticipated decision in BCE Inc. v. 1976 Debentureholders, 2008 SCC 69. I began to appreciate the magnitude of the BCE decision — which contemplated Canada’s largest ever corporate takeover — while sitting in my research librarian’s office at 4:30 pm on June 20, 2008, the day the BCE decision was released (without reasons). In anticipation of the the verdict, the librarian incessantly refreshed the SCC’s Lexum page so the three sentence decision could be distributed to the legal community post haste. Refer here for a commentary on the initial BCE decision.

Then, on December 11, 2008 the group of prospective buyers (the “Purchaser”) pulled their $52-billion takeover offer for BCE Inc. (BCE). The Purchaser claims BCE failed to obtain “a clean bill of financial health” from accounting firm KPMG as required by their agreement. As a result, the BCE deal is effectively dead and the circumstances of its termination may be litigated to determine if a party is responsible for the $1.2 billion breakup fee.

In this context, the SCC released its reasons on December 19, 2008. Despite the collapse of the BCE deal, this decision does form a useful precedent for clarifying director’s duties. Of particular interest is the SCC’s main finding that
in each case directors must act in the best interests of the corporation in a fair manner commensurate with the corporation’s duties as a responsible corporate citizen. This post will highlight the key facts and issues, setting the stage for future commentary.

[filed: Corporations B.C.E. (2008)]

Confédération des syndicats nationaux v. Canada

The Supreme Court navigated through a political minefield last Thursday when it pronounced on the constitutionality of several aspects of the federal employment insurance system in Confédération des syndicats nationaux v. Canada (Attorney General), 2008 SCC 68. The issues arising in the case have been the subject of much controversy, with the appellants claiming, among other things, that the federal government purposely amassed a large employment insurance surplus to fund other government expenditures outside the purposes of EI. The Court deftly avoided addressing whether the government misappropriated the funds, stating that the lower courts had dismissed that claim on a factual basis. However, the Court did find that the mechanism used to set employment insurance premiums in 2002, 2003 and 2005 was unconstitutional. The Court’s decision also affirmed the wide scope of the federal employment insurance power under section 91(2A) of the Constitution Act, 1867.

Background

In 1940, the Constitution Act, 1867 was amended to give Parliament jurisdiction over unemployment insurance (later referred to as employment insurance), as a somewhat-belated response to the economic and social effects of the Great Depression. Since then, the federal government has maintained an employment insurance system paid for by premiums levied on employment income.

After 1980, however, the system began to run a deficit. In 1996, Parliament reformed the system by passing the Employment Insurance Act, which allowed the government to use money collected under EI to fund “active measures” that aimed to reduce unemployment and help affected persons re-enter the workforce. Specifically, the Act created employment benefits programs that helped create jobs and encouraged unemployed persons to accept work.

The Act also allowed the Employment Insurance Commission to set premium rates at a level that ensured there would be enough money each year to pay EI benefits and that raised a reserve in the event of an economic downturn. This premium-setting mechanism was amended in 2001 and 2004 to allow the Cabinet to adjust the premium directly.

The reserve created by the Employment Insurance Act has grown considerably in the past 12 years and is now in excess of $50 billion. The size of this reserve, and allegations of its misuse, convinced the appellant labour organizations to ask the Court to declare several aspects of the employment insurance program unconstitutional.

Issues Before The Court

The appellants challenged the constitutional validity of two aspects of the Employment Insurance Act. First, they argued that Parliament’s jurisdiction over unemployment insurance, pursuant to section 91(2A) of the Constitution Act, 1867, is limited to compensating unemployed persons, and that any use of EI funds to implement measures beyond compensation is ultra vires Parliament’s s. 91(2A) power. The second issue concerned the Act’s premium-setting mechanism. The appellants claimed that s. 91(2A) of the Constitution only allows Parliament to collect enough funds to maintain the EI program and to build a reasonable reserve, but that the Act’s impugned method of setting annual premium rates allows the government to collect beyond what is necessary.

[filed: Administrative law Constitutional law Employment insurance Labour relations Unemployment insurance Employment Confédération des syndicats nationaux v. Canada (2008]

Criminal Lawyers’ Association: Freedom of Expression and the Disclosure of Information by Government

On December 11, 2008, the Supreme Court of Canada heard Ministry of Public Safety and Security (Formerly Solicitor General), et al. v. Criminal Lawyers’ Association, a case from the Ontario Court of Appeal.

In 1996, the judge in a criminal proceeding involving the murder of mob member Domenic Racco granted a stay of the proceedings finding that the accused individuals’ Charter rights been violated resulting from abusive conduct by various state officials, including the police. Following this finding, the Ontario Provincial Police commenced an investigation of the police and prosecution conduct, concluding that there was no evidence of any misconduct or attempts to obstruct justice. After the outcome of the investigation, the Criminal Lawyers’ Association, an organization that oversees issues related to the integrity of the Canadian criminal justice system, applied for access to records involving the Ontario Provincial Police review under the Freedom of Information and Protection of Privacy Act. Their request, however, was rejected by the Ministry as they denied access to various documents by claiming sections 14, 19 and 21 (law enforcement records, solicitor-client privilege and personal privacy respectively) exemptions under the Act. The Criminal Lawyers’ Association appealed this finding, where it was found that the exemptions were upheld, however, section 23, the “compelling public interest” test superseded the section 21 exemption relating to personal privacy. Despite this, section 23 could not be applied to the other two exemptions since they were specifically excluded from this section.

[filed: Privacy Charter of Rights and Freedoms Criminal Lawyers (2009)]

The Prime Minister and Prorogation: Time for a New SCC Reference?

It seems that “prorogue” is the word on Canadians’ minds these days. Though I am still not sure how to pronounce it, I am amazed that constitutional law, an unpopular subject even among law students, is currently water cooler material. The ongoing Canadian political crisis has already been the subject of a previous post, in which Jeremy Barretto contemplated the potential implications of this crisis upon the appointment of Justice Thomas Cromwell to the Supreme Court of Canada. I would like to discuss the same topic, but from the perspective of prorogation; specifically, I will explore whether Prime Minister Stephen Harper’s controversial decision to prorogue Parliament may eventually involve the Supreme Court.

Jeremy provided this helpful link to a timeline of the relevant events, which I will briefly summarize. After the Finance Minister delivered his fiscal update, revealing that the Conservative Party advocated cuts to the public funding of political parties but did not provide any financial stimulus package, a Liberal-NDP coalition was formed. Parliament was set to vote on a Liberal non-confidence motion on December 8; had the Conservative government lost that vote, the coalition would have asked Governor General Michaelle Jean to approve its proposed government. Jean could have either accepted the coalition’s plan or required another election. Ultimately, she did not have to make this choice. Prior to the non-confidence vote, Harper requested that Jean suspend, or prorogue, Parliament until the end of January. She granted the Prime Minister’s request, and the federal budget is now set to be delivered the day after Parliament’s resumption. Only then will Harper’s government once more be at risk, since the tabling of a money bill (such as the budget) constitutes a confidence vote.

The political events of recent weeks are unprecedented, and not only because they have actually made the mainstream American media. There are two main debates that have captured popular attention. Firstly, Jean’s approval of the prorogation request has renewed public interest in the role of the Governor General within the Canadian parliamentary regime. This interest has mostly been framed as criticism of Jean’s decision; one common refrain is that the requirement that the Governor General’s approve of the Prime Minister’s request is undemocratic, as the Governor General was not elected. Though this practice may appear undemocratic, it is a sturdy and well-developed constitutional convention that is nearly always followed to the letter. The Governors General is expected to take the advice of the sitting Prime Minister, and they nearly always do; there are only two occasions in Canadian history, in 1896 and 1926, when this convention has not been followed. Refusal of the Prime Minister is sufficiently unprecedented that the 1926 event has been characterized as one of the most controversial uses of a Governor General’s reserve powers.

The constitutional crisis of 1926 is commonly referred to as the King-Byng Affair, which occurred when the Governor General, Lord Byng, refused a request by then Prime Minister William Lyon Mackenzie King, to dissolve Parliament and call a general election. Lord Byng’s refusal was followed by an uproar because it flew in the face of this established convention. In fact, the King-Byng Affair was notable enough to provoke the negotiations that led to the Statute of Westminster, 1931, a document that marked the final step in Canada’s legislative independence from the United Kingdom. It is clear from the extraordinary nature of Lord Byng’s refusal that the Governor General is expected to approve of what the sitting Prime Minister asks. The firmness of this convention illustrates that Jean did not really have a choice on the question of prorogation. While critics argue that it is undemocratic to require an unelected Governor General to make the final decision, it is nearly always the case that the Governor General takes the Prime Minister’s advice. In practice, the elected Prime Minister makes the decision, and the Governor General acquiesces to his or her demands.

The second issue (and in my opinion, the more controversial of the two), contemplates the legitimacy of Harper’s prorogation request. Setting aside the question of whether the Governor General is even allowed to disagree with the Prime Minister, what if the Prime Minister’s request in itself is problematic? A brief perusal of constitutional scholarship indicates that Harper’s manoeuvre is unprecedented and certainly controversial.

[filed: Constitutional law Judges and courts Judicial review]

The End (Beginning?) of a Long Journey: Disability and Air Travel

Sometimes it takes a very long time (eleven years) to receive a legal remedy, but my case illustrates tenacity can be beneficial. The situation in which I found myself, although very personal, resulted in setting a legal precedent and hopefully in helping to protect the dignity and humanity of many disabled air travelers.

The precipitating incident is nicely summarized in a recent decision of the Canadian Transportation Agency (“Agency”): Decision No. 519-AT-A-2008 (McKay-Panos v. Air Canada)

[10] On June 14, 1997, Ms. McKay-Panos contacted Air Canada to book a return ticket for travel between Calgary and Ottawa, leaving Calgary on August 21, 1997 and returning on August 24, 1997. She informed the Air Canada agent of her weight and size and asked whether the seats would accommodate her; she also offered to purchase two economy class seats or one business class seat. The reservation agent, after consulting with her colleagues, told her that there was no need for her to purchase two seats as a bulkhead seat would provide more room than any other economy class seat. The Air Canada agent also confirmed that bulkhead seats are assigned to larger people. Ms. McKay-Panos stated that the agent was not sympathetic, made off-hand remarks and laughed about her situation.

[11] When Ms. McKay-Panos boarded the aircraft in Calgary on August 21, 1997, she discovered that bulkhead seats were not appropriate as they did not have liftable armrests and she had great difficulty forcing herself into her passenger seat. She said that neither she nor the person seated beside her could access the chair tables because her hips spread onto the armrests, which is where the chair tables are located on bulkhead seats.

[12] Although Ms. McKay-Panos reports being practically in tears and very embarrassed, the flight attendants did not offer any suggestions or express any concerns; rather, Ms. McKay-Panos states that they “regarded [her] as an inconvenience and kept bumping [her] with their service carts.” During a stop-over in Toronto, Ms. McKay-Panos had to stand for the whole hour as, by then, she was in extreme pain. She was offered an available business class seat on the Toronto-Ottawa portion of her outbound trip at no additional cost.

[13] The next day, she was in terrible pain and was unable to get out of bed for several hours. As a result, on August 22 – that is, two days prior to her return to Calgary - she asked Air Canada to change her seating assignment for her return flights. She was told that this was not feasible as both flights were oversold but that she could purchase a business class seat for an additional $972 for the Toronto-Calgary segment. She was advised that, alternatively, she could ask upon arrival of her flight in Toronto whether alternate accommodation was available for the remainder of her return trip to Calgary.

[14] On August 24, she arrived early at the airport in Ottawa, but was unable to have her seat assignment changed. In Toronto, when she asked for a seat reassignment for the remainder of her trip, the agent – who, throughout the exchange, was allegedly rude, abusive and inhumane – refused to move Ms. McKay-Panos into the business class at no extra charge, saying it was against Air Canada policy. Consequently, she was forced to purchase a business class ticket for the Toronto-Calgary portion of her flight for the additional sum of $972.

[15] Ms. McKay-Panos contends that she was subjected to stereotyping and discrimination, and that she endured rude and judgmental treatment. She is of the view that, because of her obesity, she was not treated with dignity; she experienced physical pain, extreme humiliation and embarrassment. As a result, Ms. McKay-Panos is seeking an apology. She also proposes that Air Canada provide alternative seating for obese passengers at a reasonable cost, and suggests that alternative eating trays – that is, portable trays – be made available for people who cannot use fold-down or armrest trays.

[16] Air Canada states that, at the time Ms. McKay-Panos travelled, its policy relating to persons who require additional seating space was to offer those passengers the option of purchasing a second seat at 50 percent of the full adult fare or at 100 percent of the applicable excursion fare. Alternatively, a single seat in the executive class could have been purchased or, when possible and on an ad hoc basis, the use of two seats for the single applicable fare was granted.

[filed: Air law Charter of Rights and Freedoms Air Canada (2008)]

Recognizing No-Fault Civil Liability in Respect of Neighbourhood Disturbances in Québec Civil Law

Dust they are, and unto dust they shall return, yet human beings have difficulty resigning themselves to living in dust. Sometimes, weary of brooms and buckets of water, they are not unwilling to turn to the courts to get rid of it. This case is proof of that.

So begins the Supreme Court of Canada’s decision in St. Lawrence Cement Inc. v. Barrette, 2008 SCC 64, a case from Québec dealing with a class action by the residents of a community against a cement plant in their midst.

Facts

In the early 1950s, St. Lawrence Cement Inc. (SLC) built a large cement plant in Villeneuve (later amalgamated with the city of Beauport and then with the city of Québec). Soon after the plant began operating in 1955, problems arose with the residents of houses on land adjacent to SLC’s property, and environmental incidents began occuring as early as 1956. On several occasions in the 1980s, the Ministère de l’Environnement responded to complaints about problems with dust, odours and noise and, between 1991 and 1996, received many complaints about environmental incidents. During the same period, SLC invested several million dollars for environmental protection purposes, including almost $8 million on the installation of new dust collectors for the kilns, between 1991 and 1995. SLC stopped operating the plant in 1997.

On June 4, 1993, Huguette Barrette and Claude Cochrane filed a motion in the Quebec Superior Court for authorization to institute a class action, naming themselves as the representatives litigants of a class consisting of Beauport residents living in areas near the plant. The motion was granted on March 31, 1994, and the action filed on August 1, 1994.

[filed: Civil Code Torts Civil Procedure St. Lawrence Cement (2008)]